Kirk Landers, Editor at Large

Editor At Large

Kirk Landers

Vice President
and
Editorial Director

 

 

December 2001

Be careful what you wish for

Millions of Americans have been praying for a return to normalcy since September 11, and last month the United States Congress gave the people what they wanted. After nearly two months of kissy-face bipartisanship, our leaders divided along party lines over an economic stimulus package and whether airport security should be put in public or private hands.

As we go to press, the debate is becoming increasingly acrimonious.

Welcome back, everyone. Let the games begin.

Of the two issues, the one with the most direct bearing on better roads is the economic stimulus package, since infrastructure spending is one of the bones being picked over. For one glorious minute in late October it seemed as though a coalition of moderates from both parties would put together a combination of tax cuts and government spending that would include $5 billion for roads and transit.

That was dashed when House conservatives pushed their Banana Republic stimulus package through the House. Along with several legitimate economic stimuli, the House package sought to restore economic vitality by padding the profits of the country’s largest corporations and slashing taxes for the richest 2% of the U.S. population.

Imagine how the good people of Panama must have felt when it turned out their economic structure was the envy of the United States! All we have to do to have a robust economy, it turns out, is to quit taxing big corporations and rich people.

As for the package proposed by the Senate Democrats, it gets high marks for its homage to humanitarianism, and for pragmatically addressing the issue of who’s going to pay for all the new security measures we feel we need now. But the closest thing to economic stimulus in the package is a tax cut for lower income families and public works spending.

Tax rebates for families who didn’t get them before don’t hold much promise as an economic stimulus. While the rebated dollars would get spent right away, as the Democrats point out, that burst of spending doesn’t seem likely to create a sustainable economic surge.

Increased public works spending has merit in an economic stimulus package. We have substantial needs for infrastructure investment, and there is endless data to show that this work generates good jobs and, by extension, more consumers. Selfishly, we’d love to see the infusion of more cash in the highway market, especially when some states are backing off their rebuilding plans due to revenue shortfalls. But, the fact is, public works spending, by itself, isn’t going to get the job done.

The best stimulus package for America would be a compromise plan that includes public works spending and tax breaks for corporations that directly stimulate corporate consumption and investment. The House bill had several of the latter elements in it, buried though they were beneath the higher profile give-backs. These ranged from investment tax credits, which encourage businesses to invest in capital equipment, to incentives for investing in research and development. In both cases, corporations help stimulate the economy by consuming things, and in both cases, the investment should make those corporations more competitive in the future.

Every solution has its price, however. Increased federal dollars for public works construction creates a short-term bubble in the sector that will someday burst when federal spending returns to normal levels.

Corporate tax incentives are also a risk. When the investment tax credit was dropped in the Reagan tax reforms of the mid-’80s, it changed the economics of ownership, encouraging more outsourcing and rental. Many knowledgeable business analysts would say that U.S. companies became more efficient and successful as a result. Would a restoration of the ITC undo all that? Probably not. There were other factors contributing to the outsourcing and rental trends of the ‘90s. But it would once again change the economics of industrial production.

It may be that things will have to get worse before there is sufficient imperative for Congress to compromise on a stimulus package. Of course, that might end up being the voting public’s reward for electing such a conflicted group to office because there’s a good chance the economy will begin moving upward again in the second or third quarter of 2002 without any help from legislators.

November 2001

Solving our capacity problems

In just a month we’ve gone from maddeningly congested airports and sardine-can seating on flights to empty aircraft and an entire airline industry in deep financial trouble.

Our once-gridlocked highways have loosened up, too, as layoffs and shut-downs eliminate jobs and commuters, and declining consumer demand takes commercial haul trucks off the road. It will be a while before data appears, but it’s safe to assume that mass transit and rail usership is also down, and for the same reasons.

Suddenly, our transportation infrastructure does not have such a severe capacity problem.

If we took a poll of Americans right now, we might find a few nut cases who would say this is a good way to resolve our congestion and air-pollution problems, but most would say that terror and recession are not solutions to anything, they are just obstacles to overcome.

The majority is right. The nation’s fear of flying will evaporate as soon as the federal government completes decisive steps to ensure safety. And the recession will eventually run its course even though at some point it will seem to millions of Americans that it will never end, that this one is different than the other ones we’ve had. That is the nature of recessions.

And when the recovery begins in a year or so, the metropolitan regions of the country that have been experiencing population growth will once again have gridlock on their major highways because the number of cars and car miles has increased much faster than the number of lane miles has increased. Gridlock will also return to slow-growth and no-growth metro areas that suffer from suburban and exurban sprawl.

So we need to continue the unresolved debate of 2001: how do you accommodate the transportation needs of the American people in good times? Here are a few ideas.

First, the tendency among elected officials is to reduce repair and rehabilitation work when times are tough because tax funds decline and budgets get tight. But for congestion purposes, we’re best off getting as much of this work done in a recession as we can. There are fewer cars and trucks on the road, so construction is less intrusive and, hopefully, safer. In addition, work that is bid out to contractors tends to be cheaper in tough times because more contractors are bidding on fewer jobs, driving costs down.

Next, we need to find a capitalism-friendly approach to regional population planning and zoning — not to prevent construction of new homes and businesses, but to make sure the real infrastructure costs in green field developments are covered by the users of that infrastructure. That would help slow the pace of sprawl in a fair and businesslike way and it would help growing communities prepare for growth more adequately.

Third, we need to get more creative in our approach to alternative transportation. For example, we have set aside millions of federal dollars for bike trails, let’s use some of it to test the feasibility of commuter bike lanes. True, the masses of Americans are not going to become bicycle commuters, but that’s not what we’re looking for. We need to reduce rush hour volume on certain problem roads at problem times by relatively small percentages. A cost-effective, space-effective design for a commuter bikeway might be part of the solution for many such problems.

And finally, we need to be more practical in managing our roads. Summer brings our worst air-quality problems and our worst traffic congestion because that is when we have the most drivers on the road and the most road construction taking place. Put another way, as usage peaks, capacity bottoms out. The prevention disciplines preached by the Foundation for Pavement Preservation need to become part of the management orthodoxy for all high-volume roads. If we can extend the major repair cycle for such roads by even two years we will have done more to mitigate congestion than we could achieve spending much more on light rail or new lane miles.

Most of all, we need to keep working on our transportation infrastructure, from the skies to the roads, through these difficult days. Politicians will say it’s good for the economy, and it is. But it’s more important than that. Our economy had filled our transportation system to beyond its capacity in 2000. If we are to grow larger than that, we will need more capacity. Period.

October 2001

After Terror Struck in America

Where were you?

Like many in this industry, when terrorists struck Manhattan and Washington, DC, five members of the Better Roads staff were in the Philadelphia area, getting ready to attend the last day of the American Public Works Association show.

We were stepping into a car when a motel guest hailed us with the news: Terrorists had struck the World Trade Towers. Like citizens all over the country, we got to a television set and watched in horror as the catastrophe played out. When the second plane hit the second tower and early reports of an assault on the Pentagon came on the air, we knew there would be no show in Philadelphia that day.

Nor would there be any air transportation, and for many hours afterward, no trains or buses either. Interstate passenger travel in America basically shut down.

We were luckier than most that day. We were in a Philadelphia suburb and our Chicago contingent made the decision to drive home immediately. We quickly located a rental car and plotted a route home that would keep us away from the heaviest traveled bridges and tunnels in Philadelphia, and, later, far from the area in western Pennsylvania where the fourth airliner had crashed.

Our passage was uneventful after we got north of Philadelphia, save for the alternating bouts of rage, sorrow, frustration, and grief all Americans experienced that day.

It occurred to me, periodically, how remarkable it was that we could move freely about on a day that America was under assault from a foreign enemy. Sometimes it made me think of how vulnerable that makes us, that another squadron of terrorists could be zipping about the country in car bombs, using our magnificent interstate highway system to quietly and efficiently hone in on new targets. Other times, I thought of how difficult it would be for an attacking power to stop Americans from covering long distances by vehicle, just because of how extensive our highway infrastructure is. And, sometimes, I thought about how an invading power might isolate the population-dense northeast from the rest of the country by targeting bridges that link large metropolitan areas to the rest of the country.

But mostly, like everyone else, I thought about what this all means for America and the world in the months and years to come. John F. Kennedy’s assassination changed American politics for generations. The atrocities of September 11 will do the same. We just don’t know how.

Short term, we have a good chance of sliding into a worldwide economic recession, perhaps a nasty one, given the weakness of the European and Asian economies, and the vulnerability of the U.S. economy just prior to the attack.

Long term, we may be redefining the terms of war and peace, and how the nations of the world relate to each other.

Our roads and streets and bridges will be less important than many of these weighty issues, but never unimportant. As we have seen, this infrastructure has great import, both to our economy and our national defense. The difficult task facing all of us whose careers revolve around highways will be to maintain the national commitment to infrastructure in the tense days ahead. We will need our roads and bridges during and after this crisis just as surely as we needed them before it. Let us all pledge to keep that point front and center as our nation does what it must to deal with the bloody outrage of September 11.

September 2001

Infrastructure and the O'Hare Airport Dilemma

As the United States scrambles to modernize her infrastructure for everything from planes, trains, and automobiles to natural gas and electricity distribution, one of the big tricks is going to be not making one area better by making another one worse.

Just such a dilemma is currently being sorted out in the state of Illinois, where political leaders are trying to solve chronic air traffic congestion at Chicago’s O’Hare Airport. The governor’s favored solution is to build a new airport in a rural location well outside the city. The opposition, led by the mayor of Chicago, favors a $6 billion expansion and reconfiguration of O’Hare’s runways that would dramatically increase its capacity for air traffic.

The public debate over the two options has been spirited, relatively constructive, and seemingly thorough. The strikes against the O’Hare runway reconfiguration and expansion have been cost, aggravation to the airport’s suburban neighbors, and the feeling that another airport will be needed anyway because air traffic will surpass the reconfigured airport’s capacity soon after work is completed. The strikes against the governor’s plan are that the airlines don’t want it and the proposed site is a great distance from the metropolitan Chicago area.

Not discussed in the public debate are the ramifications each choice has for roads, traffic congestion, and sprawl, even though the financial stakes are enormous.

The site for the proposed new airport is located 15 to 20 miles south of the city’s southernmost suburb and perhaps twice that distance from the city center. It is accessible from the north and south by a single interstate highway which would have to be widened if the new airport attracted significant usage. Access from the east and west is limited to state and local roads. Rail access to the site would be very expensive, given its distance from major population areas. On the positive side, land there is cheap and there are few neighbors to complain about noise, so there would be a chance to build an uncompromising design for modern air travel.

O’Hare, on the other hand, is served by several interstates, handles high volumes of auto traffic relatively smoothly, and has an excellent light rail system connecting it to the city center. It is also much closer to the huge majority of area residents than the rural site would be and the sprawl that grows up around major airports has long since taken root there.

If you’re calling the shots, do you go with the close-in compact model and put $6 billion into O’Hare, or do you go with the seemingly less expensive green field option? Would the distant new airport relieve auto traffic congestion in the O’Hare area and extend the design life of the roads there, or would it simply create another congestion headache for traffic planners to deal with in future years?

Is it better for air quality to remove some of the traffic from a place like O’Hare by routing it to a less traveled area, even though people may burn more fuel by driving more miles to get to the alternative airport?

We don’t know the answers to those questions, but it wouldn’t take a blue ribbon panel to answer an equally momentous question: Would a new, rural airport create a new corridor for sprawl? Of course it would, just as surely as the old one did. And while we’re squeamish about legislative initiatives to control sprawl, we flatly oppose creating unnecessary stimulants that will cause it. Somehow, that subject has not been a part of the Illinois debate, but it should be.

Our opinion, for what it’s worth, is that the existing airport needs to be developed to its full capacity because it is the most space-efficient, sprawl-efficient, and infrastructure-efficient choice. The next priority would be to develop another airport in the region, but if the real costs of ground transportation infrastructure were factored in, it might make more sense to buy more expensive land closer to the metropolitan area, or to develop one of the municipal airports in northwest Indiana.

Decisions like this need to be made on the basis of real long-term costs and benefits to the region. The debate over airport facilities in Illinois — or anywhere else, for that matter — cannot be an informed one until the total long term investment in roads, bridges, and light rail is calculated for each option.

August 2001

Sorting out our sluggish Economy

The U.S. economy will be characterized by sluggish growth—not recession—for the rest of the year, and slow to modest growth next year. That seems to be the consensus of economists based on the latest revisions of first-quarter 2001 economic data.

Any kind of growth in the gross domestic product is good news, given that America’s pre-1990s economic model would call for a recession by now. Consumer spending is sustaining the economy right now, keeping us one step ahead of recession. And the star of the consumer spending show is housing which, ironically, used to tank in weak economic periods. Housing starts, though down a little from the peak years of the late ‘90s, are holding at a high plateau, and sales of existing homes are strong.

No panacea

But sluggish growth is no panacea for private construction businesses or the public agencies that employ them.

In the current Better Roads Economic Report economist James Haughey predicts that U.S. economic growth will average 2% at best in the middle of this year and 3% at most for most of next year.

What will that feel like? Competitive. For private businesses, this kind of economic environment means that growth has to come at some other company’s expense because the pie isn’t getting much bigger. For government agencies, trust fund receipts and revenues should be all right, but general tax revenues will be as flat as the economy and there will be pressure to reduce taxes to stimulate growth.

Highway construction looks to be in better shape than most sectors of the economy during this period. Spending will be up 5.3% this year over 2000, one of the few growth sectors in construction. But highway construction is not exactly a hot market when you consider that in 2000 the market actually declined 3.6%.

From the government agency point of view, inflation is also mitigating the impact of increased highway construction spending. According to Haughey, when you factor in inflation, the amount of highway construction work undertaken this year will be essentially the same as last year. “First quarter contract prices were up 9.5% from a year earlier,” writes Haughey, “But the pace of inflation will ebb over the year as modest surplus capacity develops for materials, equipment, and labor.”

Haughey notes that in 2000, contract prices rose 6% while total spending dropped 3.6%, resulting in a total decrease in highway construction volume of 10 percent.

Mixed signals

Price increases for concrete, asphalt, and steel should slow dramatically through the rest of the year, while labor costs will continue to rise despite an increase in unemployment. The culprit: medical and drug costs.

Oil and energy prices, though still seemingly volatile, show signs of leveling off. OPEC has achieved its $26 per barrel target price for oil and Haughey, for one, believes it will stay there for many months to come. Fuel and petroleum products should hold at current price levels for the rest of the year.

While the overall economic outlook is middling, there are broad sections of the economy that are in recession. Heavy manufacturing, including construction equipment, is one such sector. And geographic regions which rely on manufacturing for economic vitality are feeling the pain, too. This includes the Great Lakes states and, to a lesser extent, the mid-Atlantic region and some industrialized southern states. In these areas, government budgets at the state and local level will be under more pressure than usual this year and next.

It is hard to find an economist anywhere who is forecasting anything very negative or very positive for the U.S. economy in 2001 and 2002. Barring a shock, such as a war or the collapse of a trading partner’s economy, slow growth is the mainstream forecast of the day.

In the highway sector, slow growth can be a positive time, especially if it helps stop inflationary trends in prices for construction commodities. With little or no increase in costs, even a modest increase in highway spending will result in our first increase in real highway spending since 1999.

July 2001

The Politics of Congestion

One of the hot news stories in early May was the release of the Texas Transportation Institute’s report on traffic congestion in 68 U.S. metropolitan areas. For several days, newspapers around the country ran major stories on the data, and on local reaction to the basic message that congestion is getting worse everywhere and costs motorists billions of dollars a year in wasted time and fuel.

The news media’s presentation of this body of facts was laced with plenty of spin from special interest groups, and appropriately so. To highway construction groups, the data was absolute proof that the nation’s road capacity needs to be expanded. To other groups, the data made a case for more mass transit and other transportation alternatives.

Unfortunately, this legitimate and vital debate over the future of transportation in the U.S. was also laced with some pure disinformation and it may take months or years to set the record straight.

When TTI released its congestion study, a Washington, D.C.-based group called the Surface Transportation Policy Project issued its own analysis of the data. The hallmark of STPP’s analysis was the conclusion that congestion had gotten worse despite a 14.8% increase in lane miles between 1990 and 1999 in the 68 urban areas covered by the study. This led the group to the conclusion that road building is not an effective solution to congestion.

Misleading Statistics

If you’re thinking that a 14.8% increase in metropolitan highway capacity seems awfully high, you’re right. The Federal Highway Administration reports that lane miles of all roads grew just 1.3% during the 1990s.

Shortly after STPP released its report, The Road Information Program issued a rebuttal. The growth in lane miles in the 68 urban areas was almost entirely the result of changing boundaries and reclassification of what once were secondary roads into the principle arterial category, not new construction. “Much of what STPP reports as new lane mileage of major roads is actually existing freeways and other streets that were not reported in 1990 because they were...outside what was then considered...the area’s urban boundary,” wrote TRIP’s director of research, Frank Moretti. By 1999, many of these urban boundaries had been expanded—the physical area occupied by the 68 urban areas in the TTI study increased 17% between 1990 and 1999.

There was no double-digit increase in highway capacity in the ‘90s and no other major group, for or against highways, tried to advance that bit of deception.

Still, the STPP fiction worked its way into the news coverage of the event. In one startling instance, a Chicago daily picked up the organization’s message without checking any other sources, reporting as absolute fact that increased road capacity does not mitigate congestion. Hopefully, few other newspapers were duped this badly, but dozens undoubtedly picked up quotes from the STPP report, too.

History Repeats

This is not the first time that STPP has distorted statistics to make a point. Their most notable previous transgression was in 1998, when their “Pothole Index” prompted a biting public response from the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (AASHTO) for “false and misleading conclusions about highway spending.”

In that instance, the surface transportation group condemned states for spending too little on highway maintenance and too much on new construction. The entire basis for their conclusions was an analysis of how each state spent federal highway funds. No mention was made of how state and local funds were spent, even though they comprise about 75% of all highway spending and are funneled primarily into maintenance.

In point of fact, about 80% of all highway spending goes to maintenance and repair.

No matter where you line up in the debate over road construction’s role in congestion mitigation, there is no room for the Machiavellian distortions of facts by the Surface Transportation Policy Project. If you believe that expanding road capacity can relieve congestion, the work of STPP is frustrating and destructive. If you believe that expanding road capacity is harmful to the environment, your image is being compromised by an organization that lacks sincerity and ethics.

We call on people on all sides of these deliberations to condemn STPP’s situational ethics and keep this important dialogue on a professional, responsible level.

June 2001

Are Highway Users Really More Satisfied?

A Different Look at the Federal Highway Administration’s User Study

When the Federal Highway Administration released its new Infrastructure Survey last spring, the hottest spin on the data was that user satisfaction with major U.S. roads was up significantly from 1995, when a similar study was conducted.

Of the many other data points that got little or no coverage by the general media was the incontrovertible evidence that users were more dissatisfied with their roads, too.

Really.

Between 1995 and 2000, opinions about American roads polarized emphatically. In 1995, asked about their overall satisfaction with the major highways they use most often, about one-third of the users surveyed didn’t have an opinion. By 2000, there was a lot less indecisiveness in the motoring public – just 12% had no opinion.

The good news is, those who are generally satisfied with their major roads swelled from 50% of the sample to 66%. The bad news is, dissatisfied motorists increased from 15% of the sample to 21%.

Overall satisfaction with attributes of major highways 2000

Of the two, the trend that highway professionals should note is the negative one. There are many non-highway reasons contributing to the migration of 1995’s undecideds into the satisfied column in 2000. The main one: 1995 was the beginning of the era of good feeling in America, and 2000 was the peak. In 2000, Americans were richer. They drove nicer, newer cars with better suspension systems and fancier stereos. They dined out more and took nicer vacations. If you didn’t feel good about things in 2000, you never would.

Which makes it all the more troublesome that at the peak of our feel-good era, one out of five motorists was dissatisfied with the major highways they use. That is huge number of people to have unhappy with an established, mature infrastructure.

The primary source of motorists’ displeasure is congestion. No matter how they rated highways overall, more than 40% of the highway users surveyed in 2000 were dissatisfied with traffic flow – a landslide increase from a little over 20% in 1995. Less than half of the highway users were satisfied with traffic flow, a slight decrease from 1995.

The message from the motoring public is that we Americans need to re-think our opposition to building new roads and reduce our resistance to road widening because we have a bad capacity problem that’s getting worse. Put another way, the frustrations that produce bizarre incidents of road rage every day are not getting better. They are getting worse – despite record levels of investment in our roads and mass transit infrastructure in the ‘90s.

Does this mean we’re wasting our money? It does not. Motorists fully appreciated improvements in bridge conditions, highway safety, visual appeal and travel amenities. Satisfied users now number upwards of 70% in these categories, while dissatisfied users have hovered at around 15% – about the same as in 1995. So, yes, we are making headway in some areas. But if you belong to that group of people who think our road investment levels and policies are about right, the motoring public disagrees. In fact, motorists have mixed feelings even about some aspects of the highway program in which we have been very aggressive:

Nearly 60% of U.S. motorists are satisfied with pavement conditions on their major highways, up about 10 percentage points from 1995. That’s the payoff for our record investment in restoring American roads.

Breaking down overall satisfaction with pavement conditions

The number of motorists who are dissatisfied with pavement conditions has also jumped about 10 percentage points since 1995 to more than 30% of the motoring public in 2000. That is a 50% increase in the number of dissatisfied customers. We are talking about tens of millions of people and a trend that is going the wrong way. If we were running a restaurant instead of a highway system we would be out of business!

Dissatisfaction with work zones, something not measured in 1995, is just as high. Motorists object mainly to congestion and travel delays. This reflects the extraordinary amount of construction repairs that have taken place in recent years, but it also says that highway managers who emphasize rapid repairs at off-peak hours are in step with the times.

Motorists are especially upset about how long it takes to make pavement repairs. Some 45% are dissatisfied with this aspect of road maintenance – slightly more than the number who are satisfied with repair times.

If your agency or construction firm focuses on local roads only and you think this ire doesn’t apply to you, think again. More than half the motorists surveyed said they were dissatisfied with the surface defects – "patches, rutting and ripples in the pavement" – of the roads and streets they use that are not major highways. That was the highest degree of dissatisfaction in the study.

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Clearly, there is a lot more work to be done on America’s roads to achieve reasonable levels of satisfaction. But it is also clear that our country and our industry are on the right path. In his comments to Better Roads last month, Congressman Don Young (R-AK), chairman of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, emphasized reducing congestion and better lifecycle management as his priorities in surface transportation. The ranking Democrat on the committee, James Oberstar (D-MN) has made similar comments about congestion, and so has Secretary of Transportation Norm Mineta. The public has spoken and all three leaders seem to have heard the message.

The highway industry seems to be headed in the right direction, too. Pavement recycling technologies are becoming an established part of highway management programs at state and local levels, reducing costs and environmental impact. Super pave technologies are producing smoother pavements that promise to last longer. And cutting edge highway managers are beginning to focus on preventative measures to extend highway life—the ultimate answer to potholes, construction congestion, and public demand for a more efficient highway system.

May 2001

A conversation with Chairman Young

As chairman of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, Alaska Congressman Don Young is now the prime mover for transportation interests in the federal government. But who is he and what is his agenda?

Question: With the retirement of Bud Schuster, previous chairman of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, the highway industry is looking for a new champion. Are you that person?

Answer: Well, if I’m not that person, you’re in deep trouble.

That brief repartee reflects several truths about Alaska Congressman Don Young, the new chairman of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee.

In a city where politicians and their staffs speak in carefully chosen sweet nothings, Young holds nothing back. In a congregation of big egos and loud voices, Young has no trouble speaking up or being heard. And in a government where most think little about transportation, Young is absolutely passionate about it.

"I believe in it," he told Better Roads in an exclusive March interview. "I believe in TEA-21. I believe in AIR-21. I believe in the importance of transportation."

There are many reasons to believe him, starting with his knowledge of transportation issues. The 15-term congressman joined the transportation committee in 1995 to further Alaska’s vested interests. "Although we don’t have a lot of roads in Alaska," he points out, "we have a tremendous amount of aviation, and ocean and river transportation. And we have the need for roads. In fact, our need is much greater than other states because we’re so far behind."

Shortly after joining the committee, he began grooming himself to become chairman Bud Schuster’s (R-PA) successor. "I recruited Jim Burley, former Secretary of Transportation under President Reagan," Young explains, "and we spent time every month reviewing issues and meeting with various interest groups in transportation — highway users, builders, truckers, pilots, airlines, coast guard, unions, port authorities, and many others — building a background in what they think is necessary for improving transportation in this great nation of ours."

It wasn’t long before Young had an impact on U.S. transportation. By his own account — and confirmed by industry sources — Young became one of the key players in framing the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (TEA-21), and in putting together the alliances that got it passed into law. During that effort he worked closely with James Oberstar (D-MN), then, as now, the ranking Democrat on the committee, as well as Bud Schuster.

Balanced view

At first glance, Don Young is not the likeliest candidate for chairman of the transportation committee. He is the at-large representative for a state best known for its great wilderness expanses and rich natural resources, not for its transportation infrastructure. As a case in point, Young’s hometown, Fort Yukon, sits just north of the Arctic Circle and cannot be reached by interstate highway or even by U.S. highway. In fact, the nearest state highway comes to an end roughly 100 miles south of Fort Yukon.

But Young is, by all accounts, a very pragmatic man and he had good reasons for taking a strong position in transportation.

Young also has a personal background in transportation. Long before he went to Washington, D.C. he made his name in Alaska as a tug pilot pushing barges up and down the storied Yukon River.

Today, the congressman brings a broad-based vision to the nation’s transportation system, and a sense of urgency about its roads and bridges.

"I’ve come to the conclusion that transportation is probably the number-one problem in the nation today," says Young, "not medicare or medicaid or social security or education or prescription drugs or those nice things everyone likes to talk about. Our biggest challenge is how far behind [in transportation] we are. Our highways have deteriorated and their capacity has not been expanded. Vehicular miles have increased 137% in the last 30 years while our highway capacity has only increased 5%. So you have a 132% deficit now."

And that, he adds, is before you factor in the age and condition of the existing roads and bridges. "The majority of our bridges today are over — now get this — over 80 years old!" he says. "Eighty-years old! The majority of our bridges!

"You have bridges that are literally falling apart. They were never built for the volume of traffic they are receiving, or the tonnage."

Young has personal experience with falling bridges, citing the District of Columbia’s high profile Wilson Bridge as an example. "I’ve been underneath the Wilson Bridge fishing," he says, "and it’s like being in a war zone. You have a constant barrage of metal falling down. This is awesome. You’re sitting down there and it’s like hail, but it’s metal, and it’s coming off that bridge! That’s why the new bridge has to be built."

Although Young represents the most sparsely populated state in the nation, he recognizes traffic congestion as one of the country’s pressing problems, and a threat to commerce.

One obvious part of the solution is increasing road capacities with new construction, and Young is an outspoken advocate for this. He is also floating some traffic congestion ideas that may ease some of the resistance new road construction gets. One is the construction of tiered roads in high congestion areas, with one level for local traffic and another for long haul traffic.

"We own the air space," points out Young, "but we don’t own the expansion rights and [getting them] is very expensive, with huge delays and lawsuits. So you build a tiered highway through the congested area and put short haul traffic on the lower road and the long haul traffic on the higher road and they don’t come together until you’re past the congestion area."

Young’s other concept is to designate truck-only lanes on some highways to reduce congestion without adding lanes. He thinks truck traffic would move more swiftly and efficiently if they do not intermingle with passenger cars.

"Along with that," says Young, "you have to work with the railroads. One reason I created the railroad subcommittee is because I want to improve the short lines. And even the long lines support that now. Because the more product we can move by rail, the less congestion we have on our highways. Now, some truckers don’t like me to say that, but realistically, if we don’t do that the trucks can’t be efficient anyway. We have to improve the congestion problem."

He cites, as an example, European ports where cargo is staged outside the city and railed to the port. "They don’t stage their cargo at the port anymore," he says, "because you have to go through the city to do that and the congestion it creates is awful...We haven’t started doing that here — yet."

Working with Mineta

When President George W. Bush named California Democrat Norm Mineta as his Secretary of Transportation, there was mild concern in the road construction industry about Mineta’s past advocacy for mass transit and environmental issues. As an ardent voice for development in Alaska, Young has his own issues with environmentalists, but doesn’t expect any problems working with Mineta.

"I think our relationship is going to be very good," Young comments. "I worked with the secretary when he was a House member and chairman of this committee, though I worked with him on other issues that were dear to his heart. He has good communication skills, he understands the process, he understands my role and I understand his role, and I think together we can do some great things."

Mineta’s most important challenge, says Young, is raising the transportation issue to a higher level in the Bush Administration. "Right now," Young observes, "[the Administration] minds aren’t on transportation, they’re on all kinds of other issues. I don’t blame them. But we’ll give them six months and then through my efforts and [Mineta’s] efforts, and, hopefully, the efforts of the industry itself, we’ll raise the level of the Administration’s awareness of transportation issues."

As for mass transit, although Young doesn’t believe it has ever solved a congestion problem, he does think it has its place in the transportation mix. "Most people who use mass transit weren’t drivers to begin with," he says, "but there’s room for mass transit. There’s room for deliverance of people."

Amtrak is another part of the transportation mix that will get a close review by Young’s committee. He is troubled by the organization’s continuing need for subsidies, and he is equally troubled by the nation’s antiquated road beds. "Amtrak spent how many millions of dollars getting that brand new train?" exclaims Young. "And it only goes 10 mph. faster [than the old ones] because the beds are in such bad shape you can’t get the train up to speed."

Next-TEA

No one has to remind Chairman Young that work on the next transportation act, due in 2003, is beginning now. He has some very specific goals for that legislation.

"It will be a revision of, and expansion of, TEA-21," says Young. "TEA-21 is a very good basic bill. I’m not out here to reinvent the wheel, I’m just trying to make sure the wheel turns."

Young would like to attack the nation’s congestion problems even more aggressively in the next bill, and he wants to find ways to expedite actions taken to solve the congestion crisis. "I want to try to design legislation that expedites the process of permitting so we can build our roads on time and at a reasonable cost," he says. "I would like to get the time from conception to finalization of a major project down to three years instead of the current 12 years.

"In 12 years, the cost factor accelerates rapidly and the congestion increases. By the time we get the project done, the congestion is back where we started from.

"Much of this delay is caused by the inability of [different] government agencies to work together. They’re more interested in turf wars than they are in the results. Then, once they finally agree, you have the mischievous and malicious lawsuits that are filed over and over and over again."

Young also wants to explore road maintenance issues as the next transportation bill is being formed. "Pot holes are one of my pet peeves," he says. He recites the example of a local resurfacing project. "The very next year there was one little pot hole. Did they fix it? No they didn’t. Now, four or five years later, we’ve got a hundred pot holes on that brand new resurfaced bridge. There has to be a better maintenance program for these products so they don’t deteriorate.

"It’s sort of like everything else," he adds. "Once you let your teeth get rotten, they fall out on you."

While road and bridge interests have an ideal advocate and champion in Young, and a generally pro-infrastructure cast in the House, the Senate, and the Administration, Young stresses that it will take a lot of energy and support from pro-transportation individuals and groups to achieve an appropriately aggressive transportation bill in 2003.

"I can’t do it by myself," says Young. "It’s going to take the coalition. We’ve already met with them once and we’re going to meet again. They’ve got to understand that they’ve got a champion here, but they have to get their members involved. They have to make sure the Administration understands the importance of the transportation issues, that the Secretary of Transportation understands, and that the Secretary of Commerce understands.

"I can stand out there and talk all day, but this is an issue that has to be raised to a higher level and it’s going to take a lot of voices to do it. And we will. Remember, Bud [Schuster] didn’t do this by himself. He did it with a lot of people, bless his heart, and so will we."

Kirk Landers, VP/Editorial Director of James Informational Media, interviewed Congressman Young in his Rayburn Building office on March 6th. All quotes attributed to Young came from that interview.

April 2001

A soft landing after all?

Don’t look now, but the time to panic about the U.S. economy seems to have passed.

Even though the moguls of Wall Street are still being pounded by weak stock performances, the rest of the economy appears to be following the script many leading economists wrote for this calendar year. In case you forgot that script in all the panic about recession, the idea was that the economy would wind down in the second half of 2000, hit bottom — slow growth or no growth — in the first half of 2001, then begin growing again in the second half of 2001.

Here’s how it has played out so far. Gross domestic product growth slowed from well over 5% in the second quarter of 2000, to a little over 2% in the third quarter, to an estimated 1.4% in the fourth quarter. Economic growth for the first quarter of 2001 will probably come in under 1%, climb to around 2% in the second quarter, then hit real growth levels close to 3% in the third quarter.

If you follow the stock market or swallowed the early propoganda for President Bush’s tax-cut package, this may seem like a too-rosy assessment of the nation’s economic situation. Indeed, plunging stock values have raised havoc with the paper wealth of the country, but there is mounting evidence that Americans are not panicking about it.

In January, housing starts surged to an annualized pace of 1.65 million units — a truly robust rate of construction. Economists caution that this level of construction won’t be sustained, but it shows that the housing market remains very resilient and that forecasts for a 2001 market of 1.5 to 1.6 million housing starts have a good chance of being realized. This doesn’t add up to the halcyon housing markets of 1998 and 1999, but it would eclipse the housing markets of 1995 through 1997. More to the point, it would be hard to have a recession with such a strong housing market.

But housing isn’t the only indication that the economy is starting to gather momentum. The U.S. Index of Leading Economic Indicators rose by 0.8% in January after three consecutive months of decline. Though an increase of less than 1% is hardly a meteoric rise, economists say the positive growth eases fears of recession.

In addition, car and truck sales recovered well in January and February after a plunge in December. Unemployment has held at a very low 4.2% and the economy created 135,000 additional jobs in February.

These developments may not be a reason for dancing in the streets, but they are good news. They suggest that we will not have a recession, that our economy has just been resting between expansion cycles.

Strong growth is still in the future, and even that is a relative thing. The last expansion cycle started with the economy growing at an average rate of just over 3% for the four-year period from 1992 through 1995. That’s solid growth. It gave well-run companies a chance to prosper, but it never felt easy. Competition was high and many large corporations made headlines by slashing jobs. The really good times came in the late ‘90s when the GDP expanded at an annual rate of 4.5 to 5.5% and even weak companies run by fools turned in record profits.

It will be many quarters before we get to that giddy kind of growth again, but the prospects are very good for modest, sustainable economic growth by the third or fourth quarter of this year.

These prospects suggest that contractors will see some relief in bidding competition later this year, as growth in private markets reduces some of the pressure on public works bids. This scenario also argues against making large-scale cuts in highway operations in state and local government agencies, even though budget-conscious elected leaders are worried about shrinking tax revenues. Revenue shortfalls may end before the cuts can be made anyway, and most government agencies need all the help they can get to launch improvement projects made possible by the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century.

March 2001

What’s next for roads?
"Get used to your favorite Washington, D.C. advocacy group calling on you to write your elected officials about how they should vote on various issues
this year."

"Get used to your favorite Washington, D.C. advocacy group calling on you to write your elected officials about how they should vote on various issues
this year."

America’s highway interests — users, builders and managers, alike — lost a great voice when Pennsylvania congressman Bud Shuster retired from Congress at the end of the 106th Congress last month.

Shuster’s House career spanned two decades and he was a determined advocate for transportation infrastructure from the beginning— even when it wasn’t the vogue. He was among the first to argue that federal fuel tax revenues should be spent exclusively on highway and transit projects, one of the cornerstones of the TEA-21 legislation.

Prior to Shuster’s ascendancy to chairman of the Transportation Committee six years ago, highway renovation and construction was a back-room issue in Washington and progress was difficult. Shuster succeeded in giving infrastructure in general and roads in particular much higher visibility and acceptance, hence the success of TEA-21.

With Congressman Shuster gone, who will step up as the next transportation advocate?

Some in the news media suggest that Transportation Secretary Norm Mineta will take that role. Mineta, a democrat who served as Secretary of Commerce in the Clinton administration, was one of the key players in creating and passing the 1991 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act (ISTEA) which increased federal spending on highways, but also diverted fuel tax money to non-highway projects such as mass transit and bike paths.

Associations representing highway contractors and related interests have mixed feelings about the Mineta appointment. The January 15 issue of the Associated General Contractors’ News & Views newsletter remarks, "Mineta’s appointment has caused some concern because of his record as a pro-union, pro-transit, pro-environment democrat." On the positive side, he is a strong proponent for infrastructure improvement, local control of road and transit decisions, and streamlining the federal environmental approval process for airports.

Little has been written about Shuster’s successor on the House Transportation Committee, Representative Don Young of Alaska. The 15-term republican has consistently voted with highway industry interests and he is likely to be more sympathetic to the industry’s struggle with environmental groups than most: he is an advocate for developing Alaska’s energy reserves.

Still, when it comes to highways, voting records are one thing and high-profile leadership is quite another. Only time will tell whether Secretary Mineta or Congressman Young will take over Shuster’s role as energetic activist and coalition builder for an aggressive road program, or whether they will be more conventional, lower-profile leaders.

This much is certain, however. Highway interests will have to work very hard to capture the interest and attention of the administration and elected officials this year. Chronic airline performance problems are beginning to shoulder aside all other transportation worries in the public’s awareness, and the air travel debate may flame even higher if President Bush presses ahead with his plan to privatize the air traffic control system.

Whether you favor more highway money or less, more new construction or less, more mass transit or less, get used to your favorite Washington, D.C. advocacy group calling on you to write your elected officials about how they should vote on various issues this year. There’s a new cast on Capitol Hill and a rare opportunity to reach them before they memorize their new lines.

Reprinted from Better Roads Magazine
Copyright James Informational Media
All Rights Reserved

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